Pakistan has long been the victim of the menace­ of terrorism and religious extremism. There has been a respite in the terrorist activities after conducting several military operations in the country’s northern areas. However, since the fall of the Kabul regime and the ascent of the Taliban to power in August 2021, there has been an “exponential rise” in terrorist activities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan. One such violent attack occurred in the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) complex in Bannu, KPK. On 18 December 2022, a detained terrorist, after overpowering a constable in the CTD complex and snatching his weapons, freed his 34 other detained partners. One CTD constable was killed, and the other was fatally injured. The security forces from Bannu cantonment cordoned off the area as soon as the sound of exchange of firing was heard from the compound. The administration made futile efforts for the unconditional surrender of the terrorists. Eventually, soldiers from the Special Service Group (SSG) conducted the operation on 20 December, killing 25 terrorists while three terrorists were arrested and seven others surrendered. In this operation, three members of the SSG force were martyred, and ten others were injured. Although the forces concluded the military operation successfully, the incident posed serious questions related to the implementation of the National Action Plan and how counter-terrorism policies have evolved over the years.

After the Bannu incident, various voices have been raised regarding the “capacity gaps” in the counterterrorism department, which lacks infrastructure as well as a budget for the proper training of its staff.  PM Shahbaz Shareef vowed to restructure the CTD in KPK to improve the professional capabilities of its antiterrorism forces. Likewise, Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto also called the incident an alarming one and reiterated that strict action must be taken against the outlawed factions. After the failure of CTD staff to handle the detained terrorists, the military forces arrived to handle the situation, which also shows the necessity of civil-military coordination in conducting counter-terrorism activities. The civil department responsible for maintaining peace and stability currently lacks the expertise, training and budget to curb terrorism alone. In the scenario of the surge in terrorist activities, there is a need to reorient national security policy and restructure the relevant departments.

Pakistan’s policymakers need to develop a holistic counterterrorism policy by harnessing both civil and military institutions.

Civil-military relations have always taken the spotlight in the political discourse of the country. Since the country’s independence in 1947, the military has exerted either direct or indirect control over the civilian government. The unsteady civil-military relations negatively affect the political stability in the country and prevent the civil institutes from flourishing. However, there have been various schools of thought regarding what should ideal civil-military relations look like and who should have more autonomy to ensure both military and political stability. Samuel Huntington presented his theory of “objective civilian control”, which posits that by making the military professional, the state makes them “politically sterile and neutral”. This works on a bargain between civilian and military institutes. If the military is granted autonomy in military affairs, in return, it would voluntarily subordinate to civilian control. A professional military would obey civilian authority. Simultaneously, the civilian institutes, too, would avoid interference or meddling in military affairs as it would undermine military professionalism.

Pakistan’s historically imbalanced civil-military relations put the military in the driver’s seat in matters related to the formulation and implementation of national security. The country’s security policy is considered an exclusive military domain, while foreign policy is also, time and again, viewed as a function of its national security doctrine. For the successful implementation of any policy, it has to be ensured that all political and institutional stakeholders have a consensus over it and direct their operations toward implementing it. The same is the case with counter-terrorism policies of the country. To curb terrorism, there is a need to delegate responsibilities to different departments clearly and then have to ensure proper coordination among these departments. At the federal level, the Ministry of Interior (MOI) is the overall body responsible for the maintenance of law and order and security in the country. Although the Ministry of Defense (MOD) theoretically plays an important role in administrative matters pertaining to the armed forces; however, in reality, the MOD exerts little or no power over operations or personnel management of the forces. In 2010, the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) was created and given the mandate to formulate and monitor the implementation of a national counterterrorism strategy.

Similarly, there have been debates regarding the distribution of authority between federal and provincial governments. Law and order is a provincial matter. But Articles 148 (3) and Article 149 (4) of the constitution give power to the federal government to give directions to the provinces in case of any threats to internal security as well as give the power to direct the provinces in maintaining peace. This shows the level of complexity and ambiguity related to security policy formulation. Due to the lack of civilian expertise and institutional capacities, military courts were established to deal with terrorists. This short-term solution is not enough to deal with terrorism. Looking towards the military every time is not an effective plan of action. Reforms are needed in civilian administration and institutions to deal effectively with evolving security threats.

Pakistan’s policymakers need to develop a holistic counterterrorism policy by harnessing both civil and military institutions. Military operations alone cannot ensure the eradication of terrorism in the western bordering areas. Both the civilian and military elites have to play their respective roles diligently. Terrorism flourished in the areas suffering from a political vacuum. The civilian government needs to ensure the delegation of political powers to the local level to deal with the political resentments of the local populace. By providing more educational and employment opportunities, the support of militancy can be reduced. Besides this, the factions which took arms against the government and tried to impose their ideologies should be dealt with by force. At the regional level, the government should hold talks with Afghanistan and share concerns regarding the use of Afghan soil against Pakistan. Both countries should develop a shared mechanism of border patrolling. All these efforts will only work if there is consensus among the stakeholders and the will to implement them.